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On May 6, 2025, the human rights situation in Türkiye was reviewed under the Universal Periodic Review (UPR), a mechanism of the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council. The UPR consists of a national report prepared by the country under review, as well as recommendations made by other UN Member States. These recommendations are informed not only by the national report, which presents the government's perspective on its human rights progress, but also by reports from UN human rights bodies and mechanisms, and by information provided by stakeholders such as non-governmental organizations. Aimed at enhancing state accountability in the protection and fulfillment of fundamental human rights, the peer-review process of the UPR highlights state shortcomings while also offering space for constructive feedback.
As part of its mission to defend and promote human rights and international democratic solidarity, CADAL seeks to monitor this scrutiny process of the UN’s universal human rights system. In cooperation with the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, CADAL observes Argentina’s participation in the UPRs of authoritarian and dictatorial states—that is, in contexts where human rights violations are not only systematic but further exacerbated by restrictions on the rule of law and democratic institutions, which hinder free and effective civil society participation and accountability.
Türkiye’s political system is classified as a “hybrid regime” (Democracy Index, DI 2024), a “moderate autocracy” (Bertelsmann Transformation Index, BTI 2024), and an “electoral autocracy” (V-Dem Democracy Report 2025). While Türkiye does not fall into the lowest category in any of these indexes that assess democratic quality, year-over-year comparisons show that the country has undergone a process of autocratization over the past two decades. Furthermore, indicators evaluating civil liberties received the lowest scores for Türkiye in both the BTI 2024 and the DI 2024. Freedom House’s Freedom in the World report corroborates this by classifying Türkiye as “Not Free,” and CIVICUS likewise considers Türkiye’s civic space as “repressed.”
The erosion of the rule of law and the consolidation of the autocratic regime in Türkiye manifest in a repressive political environment, characterized by restrictions on fundamental freedoms of expression, assembly, and association, the repression of political opposition, and control over the media and judiciary. Authorities block websites of independent media outlets, and journalists face persecution under the anti-terror law, Kurdish journalists being particularly vulnerable to such attacks. Laws such as the anti-terror law, defamation laws, and others are also used as smokescreens to persecute, detain, and imprison human rights defenders, lawyers, and opposition leaders. The most recent and prominent case is that of Istanbul’s mayor and presidential candidate, Ekrem İmamoğlu, who was detained as part of a corruption investigation, showing how Erdoğan’s government interferes in the judiciary for political purposes. Judgments from the European Court of Human Rights confirming the arbitrariness of similar detentions and ordering the immediate release of detainees have been repeatedly ignored by the Turkish government.
Reviews of Türkiye by other human rights mechanisms have provided relevant information in the lead-up to the country’s UPR. For instance, the Committee Against Torture expressed concern over reports of widespread torture and ill-treatment, particularly in detention centers. It recommended independent, thorough, and impartial investigations into these allegations and all cases of deaths in custody. The Committee also highlighted the threats, physical assaults, detentions, prosecutions, torture, and ill-treatment faced by human rights defenders and journalists for exercising their fundamental freedoms. Similarly, the Human Rights Committee expressed concern over the repression of civil society and the practice of prolonged pretrial detention for individuals accused of terrorism-related offenses.
With regard to the rights to equality and non-discrimination, hate speech and hate crimes, as well as the lack of thorough investigations into such crimes, pose significant challenges to human rights in Türkiye. The primary victims are migrants, women, and members of the LGBTQ+ community, though information gathered by the UN also points to systematic discrimination and violence against the Kurdish community in the country. The Human Rights Committee recommended the adoption of comprehensive legislation prohibiting discrimination in both the public and private spheres.
In this context, 125 UN Member States took part in the interactive dialogue of Türkiye’s UPR and issued recommendations. At least 22 countries made recommendations concerning freedom of expression, assembly, and association, including Austria, Belgium, Canada, Chile, Costa Rica, Czechia, Estonia, Finland, France, India, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Norway, Slovenia, Spain, and the United Kingdom. Additionally, around 30 states issued recommendations related to the rule of law in Türkiye, as well as legislative reforms or measures to ensure that laws are applied in accordance with the country’s international human rights obligations, i.e. not arbitrarily. These countries include Germany, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Czechia, Denmark, Finland, France, Iceland, India, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Mexico, Norway, Portugal, Ukraine, the United Kingdom, and Uruguay. Notably, Canada called for the release of political prisoners, and Germany expressed concern over democratic backsliding and the detention of political figures such as the mayor of Istanbul.
In a letter dated April 30, 2025, addressed to Dr. Ursula Basset, Director of Human Rights at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, International Trade and Worship of the Argentine Republic, CADAL requested Argentina’s participation in Türkiye’s UPR. The letter, signed by CADAL’s Executive Director Gabriel Salvia, included a specific proposal for Argentina’s recommendation to Türkiye:
"Immediately release all individuals detained for exercising their right to freedom of expression, assembly, and political participation, including those detained for their involvement in the 2013 Gezi Park protests, Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, and those detained for demanding his release. Implement all rulings of the European Court of Human Rights, such as the immediate release of Selahattin Demirtaş and Osman Kavala."
Unfortunately, Argentina did not participate in Türkiye’s UPR. This absence not only represents a missed opportunity to show solidarity with democracy advocates and political prisoners in Türkiye, but can also be interpreted as a failure to uphold the Argentine government’s own human rights foreign policy. Indeed, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ website declares:
“Since December 10, 2023, the Argentine government has aimed to implement a state policy of protecting human rights based on respect for freedom, representative democracy, and the rule of law, as recognized in our Constitution. [...] Sovereignty does not grant any license to a state to commit human rights violations within its own territory and cannot be used as an argument to prevent scrutiny by the universal or inter-American human rights protection systems. States have a responsibility to promote respect for human rights in accordance with the international obligations they have voluntarily accepted.”
Nevertheless, Argentina chose not to participate in the universal human rights system’s scrutiny of Türkiye.
