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International Relations and Human Rights Observatory

10-06-2025

Gen Z Raises Its Voice in Africa

With Morocco preparing to be one of the future hosts of the FIFA World Cup 2030, reactions soon followed. Under the slogan “We don’t want the World Cup, we want healthcare,” thousands of young people took to the streets of Morocco’s main cities. Even before protests began in Morocco, Madagascar also erupted. Crowds took to the streets of the island nation, the largest in Africa and one of the poorest countries in the world.
By Omer Freixa

A wave of youth discontent is spreading across the Global South. In the world’s youngest continent, Gen Z is leading mass protests demanding systemic change in the face of economic crisis, corruption, and lack of opportunities. Like a domino effect in Asia, where recent protests have erupted in countries such as Nepal, Indonesia, and the Philippines, each escalation seems to inspire the next. Now, two African countries that had until recently seemed detached from the turmoil have joined in: Madagascar and Morocco.

The underlying cause is the same: a system that is buckling, denounced for depriving younger generations of opportunities. In a continent demographically young, where 70% of the Sub-Saharan population is under thirty, the protests are converging into a demand for a comprehensive reform of the political and economic model.

In 2024, several African countries made headlines due to high levels of social unrest that gave rise to mass demonstrations and violent crackdowns by security forces, with high numbers of civilian casualties, injuries, and mass arrests. Senegal, Kenya, Nigeria, Uganda, Angola, and Mozambique can all be included in this list over the course of the year. While the specific triggers of protest varied, a common denominator ran through most cases, as in the recent demonstrations in Madagascar and Morocco: the economy, concerns about the cost of living, and soaring prices of key goods and services. Another defining factor has been the massive mobilization of citizens, primarily young people, with Gen Z (those born between the late 1990s and 2010) at its core.

Health Before Stadiums

With Morocco preparing to be one of the future hosts of the FIFA World Cup 2030, reactions soon followed. Under the slogan “We don’t want the World Cup, we want healthcare,” thousands of young people took to the streets of Morocco’s main cities. The demonstrations, however, had to be scaled back due to the heavy-handed actions of state security forces, which led to a wave of indiscriminate arrests, restrictions on gatherings, and the detention of anyone who spoke to the press. In Rabat alone, the capital, more than a hundred arrests were reported. In a town south of Agadir, a foiled attack on a Royal Gendarmerie police station left at least three people dead and a large number injured on Wednesday, October 1. In September, in the same city, eight pregnant women died following cesarean operations at the main public hospital, which became a central trigger of the protest.

Aside from the case mentioned above and a few other isolated incidents, the crowds expressed themselves peacefully, calling above all for improvements in healthcare and education, in mass mobilizations reminiscent of the giant marches of the “Arab Spring,” from which Morocco had largely remained exempt at the time. Protesters demanded a greater budget for health and education and less spending on stadium construction. The actions were organized anonymously and peacefully online by groups calling themselves GenZ 212 and Morocco Youth Voices, using popular platforms such as TikTok, Instagram, and the instant messaging (and video game) service Discord. As in other protest waves, calls to end corruption were also present, alongside grievances over failing public services and the lack of opportunities for young people, among whom unemployment stood at 22 percent in 2024. The demands focused on holding King Mohammed VI responsible for the current situation, and consequently called for reforms in the cabinet. Part of the demands also targeted the resignation of the Prime Minister, among other requests.

Malagasy Upheaval

Beginning Thursday, September 25, even before protests began in Morocco, the Island of Vanilla also erupted. Crowds took to the streets of the island nation, the largest in Africa and one of the poorest countries in the world, with university students forming the backbone of the discontent. Although the protests began in the capital, Antananarivo, they soon spread to nearly a dozen cities. Despite their generally peaceful character, incidents such as looting occurred, reportedly carried out by groups unaffiliated with the movement, according to its organizers. The immediate cause of the unrest was the frequent blackouts and water shortages, in addition to broader demands for respect for fundamental rights. Only 36 percent of the island’s population has access to electricity, and in more remote regions that figure drops to just 15 percent.

As in Morocco, however, a stronger and more central demand soon emerged: the resignation of President Andry Rajoelina, along with denunciations of corruption and an elite accused of living in luxury and disconnected from the majority. So far, the toll has been 22 deaths and more than a hundred people injured. GenZ Madagascar, the main group behind the protests, denounced the indiscriminate use of force by authorities against unarmed civilians. The European Union delegation, the United Nations, and six embassies also expressed their dismay at the deaths, holding the state responsible, demanding an immediate end to the violence, and urging the implementation of constructive dialogue. At the moment, protests have paused in Antananarivo, but continue in other locations, so pressure on the government in transition remains high.

The Protests’ Effects

As happened last year after the unrest in Kenya, Malagasy President Rajoelina, under pressure following the state’s repressive response, reshuffled his government in what has become the greatest challenge to his authority since his third re-election in 2023. Changes began with the dismissal of the Energy Minister, followed days later by the dissolution of the entire cabinet, including the key post of Prime Minister, and the formation of a new government within a short timeframe, with current officials remaining in interim roles. The president also expressed willingness to dialogue with the protesters and promised compensation to businesses affected by looting. In any case, the president's desire to change the government has so far failed to calm discontent.

The Moroccan monarchy, for its part, has also shown some willingness to conciliate, expressing its commitment to listening to and engaging with disaffected youth, and announcing reforms in healthcare, education, and youth employment opportunities. Among the measures under consideration is an increase in the number of healthcare professionals. However, these announcements were paired with ongoing support for the security forces tasked with maintaining order. Supporting de-escalation, the United Nations reaffirmed the rights to freedom of expression and peaceful protest in the North African nation. In the end, the large-scale crackdown in Morocco laid bare the true scope of the Alawite royal family’s power.

Omer Freixa is Africanist historian and associate researcher at CADAL (www.cadal.org).

Omer Freixa
Omer Freixa
Advisory Councelor
MSc in Cultural Diversity and especialist in African American studies at the Universidad Nacional de Tres de Febrero. History degree and professor from the Universidad de Buenos Aires. Researcher, professor and writer. He owns the website www.omerfreixa.com.ar. Freelance collaborator for local and spanish websites.
 
 
 

 
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